at 2:28 pm on May 12
Richter scale 7.9 magnitude earthquake devastated a region of small cities and towns set amid steep hills north of Chengdu.
Thursday, May 15, 2008
Friday, May 9, 2008
Blair speaking at Trimdon Labour Club in Sedgefield on May 10, 2007
I have come back here, to Sedgefield, to my constituency. Where my political journey began and where it is fitting it should end. Today I announce my decision to stand down from the leadership of the Labour Party. The Party will now select a new Leader. On 27 June I will tender my resignation from the office of Prime Minister to The Queen. I have been Prime Minister of this country for just over 10 years. In this job, in the world today, that is long enough, for me but more especially for the country. Sometimes the only way you conquer the pull of power is to set it down. It is difficult to know how to make this speech today. There is a judgment to be made on my premiership. And in the end that is, for you, the people to make. I can only describe what I think has been done over these last 10 years and perhaps more important why. I have never quite put it like this before. I was born almost a decade after the Second World War. I was a young man in the social revolution of the 60s and 70s. I reached political maturity as the Cold War was ending, and the world was going through a political, economic and technological revolution. I looked at my own country. A great country. Wonderful history. Magnificent traditions. Proud of its past. But strangely uncertain of its future. Uncertain about the future. Almost old-fashioned. All of that was curiously symbolized in its politics. You stood for individual aspiration and getting on in life or social compassion and helping others. You were liberal in your values or conservative. You believed in the power of the State or the efforts of the individual. Spending more money on the public realm was the answer or it was the problem. None of it made sense to me. It was 20th century ideology in a world approaching a new millennium. Of course people want the best for themselves and their families but in an age where human capital is a nation's greatest asset, they also know it is just and sensible to extend opportunities, to develop the potential to succeed, for all not an elite at the top. People are today open-minded about race and sexuality, averse to prejudice and yet deeply and rightly conservative with a small 'c' when it comes to good manners, respect for others, treating people courteously. They acknowledge the need for the state and the responsibility of the individual. They know spending money on our public services matters and that it is not enough. How they are run and organized matters too. So 1997 was a moment for a new beginning, for sweeping away all the detritus of the past. Expectations were so high. Too high. Too high in a way for either of us. Now in 2007, you can easily point to the challenges, the things that are wrong, the grievances that fester. But go back to 1997. Think back. No, really, think back. Think about your own living standards then in May 1997 and now. Visit your local school, any of them round here, or anywhere in modern Britain. Ask when you last had to wait a year or more on a hospital waiting list, or heard of pensioners freezing to death in the winter unable to heat their homes. There is only one Government since 1945 that can say all of the following: More jobs Fewer unemployed Better health and education results Lower crime And economic growth in every quarter. This one. But I don't need a statistic. There is something bigger than what can be measured in waiting lists or GSCE results or the latest crime or jobs figures. Look at our economy. At ease with globalization. London the world's financial centre. Visit our great cities and compare them with 10 years ago. No country attracts overseas investment like we do. Think about the culture of Britain in 2007. I don't just mean our arts that are thriving. I mean our values. The minimum wage. Paid holidays as a right. Amongst the best maternity pay and leave in Europe. Equality for gay people. Or look at the debates that reverberate round the world today. The global movement to support Africa in its struggle against poverty. Climate change. The fight against terrorism. Britain is not a follower. It is a leader. It gets the essential characteristic of today's world: its interdependence. This is a country today that for all its faults, for all the myriad of unresolved problems and fresh challenges, is comfortable in the 21st Century. At home in its own skin, able not just to be proud of its past but confident of its future. I don't think Northern Ireland would have been changed unless Britain had changed. Or the Olympics won if we were still the Britain of 1997. As for my own leadership, throughout these 10 years, where the predictable has competed with the utterly unpredicted, right at the outset one thing was clear to me. Without the Labour Party allowing me to lead it, nothing could ever have been done. But I knew my duty was to put the country first. That much was obvious to me when just under 13 years ago I became Labour's Leader. What I had to learn, however, as Prime Minister, was what putting the country first really meant. Decision-making is hard. Everyone always says: listen to the people. The trouble is they don't always agree. When you are in Opposition, you meet this group and they say why can't you do this? And you say: it's really a good question. Thank you. And they go away and say: it's great; he really listened. You meet that other group and they say: why can't you do that? And you say: it's a really good question. Thank you. And they go away happy you listened. In Government you have to give the answer. Not an answer, the answer. And, in time, you realise putting the country first doesn't mean doing the right thing according to conventional wisdom or the prevailing consensus or the latest snapshot of opinion. It means doing what you genuinely believe to be right. Your duty is to act according to your conviction. All of that can get contorted so that people think you act according to some messianic zeal. Doubt, hesitation, reflection, consideration and re-consideration: these are all the good companions of proper decision-making. But the ultimate obligation is to decide. Sometimes the decisions are accepted quite quickly. Bank of England independence was one, which gave us our economic stability. Sometimes, like tuition fees or trying to break up old monolithic public services, they are deeply controversial, hellish hard to do, but you can see you are moving with the grain of change round the word. Sometimes like with Europe, where I believe Britain should keep its position strong, you know you are fighting opinion but you are content with doing so. Sometimes, as with the completely unexpected, you are alone with your own instinct. In Sierra Leone and to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, I took the decision to make our country one that intervened, that did not pass by, or keep out of the thick of it. Then came the utterly unanticipated and dramatic. September 11th 2001 and the death of 3,000 or more on the streets of New York. I decided we should stand shoulder to shoulder with our oldest ally. I did so out of belief. So Afghanistan and then Iraq. The latter, bitterly controversial. Removing Saddam and his sons from power, as with removing the Taliban, was over with relative ease. But the blowback since, from global terrorism and those elements that support it, has been fierce and unrelenting and costly. For many, it simply isn't and can't be worth it. For me, I think we must see it through. They, the terrorists, who threaten us here and round the world, will never give up if we give up. It is a test of will and of belief. And we can't fail it. So: some things I knew I would be dealing with. Some I thought I might be. Some never occurred to me on that morning of 2 May 1997 when I came into Downing Street for the first time. Great expectations not fulfilled in every part, for sure. Occasionally people say, as I said earlier, they were too high; you should have lowered them. But, to be frank, I would not have wanted it any other way. I was, and remain, as a person and as a Prime Minister, an optimist. Politics may be the art of the possible; but at least in life, give the impossible a go. So of course the vision is painted in the colours of the rainbow; and the reality is sketched in the duller tones of black, white and grey. But I ask you to accept one thing. Hand on heart, I did what I thought was right. I may have been wrong. That's your call. But believe one thing if nothing else. I did what I thought was right for our country. I came into office with high hopes for Britain's future. I leave it with even higher hopes for Britain's future. This is a country that can, today, be excited by the opportunities, not constantly fretful of the dangers. People often say to me: it's a tough job. Not really. A tough life is the life the young severely disabled children have and their parents who visited me in Parliament the other week. Tough is the life my Dad had, his whole career cut short at the age of 40 by a stroke. I have been very lucky and very blessed. This country is a blessed nation. The British are special. The world knows it. In our innermost thoughts, we know it. This is the greatest nation on earth. It has been an honour to serve it. I give my thanks to you, the British people, for the times I have succeeded, and my apologies to you for the times I have fallen short. Good luck.
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
滕王閣序 - 王勃
南昌故郡，洪都新府。星分翼軫，地接衡廬。襟三江而帶五湖，控蠻荊而引甌越。物華天寶，龍光射牛斗之墟；人杰地靈，徐孺下陳蕃之榻。雄州霧列，俊採星馳，台隍枕夷夏之交，賓主盡東南之美。都督閻公之雅望，棨戟遙臨；宇文新州之懿范，襜帷暫駐。十旬休假，勝友如雲；千裡逢迎，高朋滿座。騰蛟起鳳，孟學士之詞宗；紫電青霜，王將軍之武庫。家君作宰，路出名區；童子何知，躬逢勝餞。
時維九月，序屬三秋。潦水盡而寒潭清，煙光凝而暮山紫。儼驂騑於上路，訪風景於崇阿。臨帝子之長洲，得仙人之舊館。層台聳翠，上出重霄；飛閣流丹，下臨無地。鶴汀鳧渚，窮島嶼之縈回；桂殿蘭宮，列岡巒之體勢。
披繡闥，俯雕甍，山原曠其盈視，川澤盱其駭矚。閭閻扑地，鐘鳴鼎食之家；舸艦迷津，青雀黃龍之軸。虹銷雨霽，彩徹區明。落霞與孤鶩齊飛，秋水共長天一色。漁舟唱晚，響窮彭蠡之濱；雁陣驚寒，聲斷衡陽之浦。
遙襟俯暢，逸興遄飛。爽籟發而清風生，纖歌凝而白雲遏。睢園綠竹，氣凌彭澤之樽；鄴水朱華，光照臨川之筆。四美具，二難並。窮睇眄於中天，極娛游於暇日。天高地迥，覺宇宙之無窮；興盡悲來，識盈虛之有數。望長安於日下，指吳會於雲間。地勢極而南溟深，天柱高而北辰遠。關山難越，誰悲失路之人？萍水相逢，盡是他鄉之客。懷帝閽而不見，奉宣室以何年？
嗟乎！時運不濟，命運多舛。馮唐 易老，李廣難封。屈賈誼於長沙，非無聖主；竄梁鴻於海曲，豈乏明時。所賴君子安貧，達人知命。老當益壯，寧移白首之心？窮且益堅，不墜青雲之志。酌貪泉而覺爽，處涸轍以猶歡。北海雖賒，扶搖可接；東隅已逝，桑榆非晚。孟嘗高潔，空懷報國之心；阮藉猖狂，豈效窮途之哭！
勃三尺微命，一介書生。無路請纓，等終軍之弱冠；有懷投筆，慕宗愨之長風。舍簪笏於百齡，奉晨昏於萬裡。非謝家之寶樹，接孟氏之芳鄰。他日趨庭，叨陪鯉對；今晨捧袂，喜托龍門。楊意不逢，撫凌雲而自惜；鐘期既遇，奏流水以何慚？
鳴呼！勝地不常，盛筵難再。蘭亭已矣，梓澤丘墟。臨別贈言，幸承恩於偉餞；登高作賦，是所望於群公。敢竭鄙誠，恭疏短引。一言均賦，四韻俱成。請洒潘江，各傾陸海雲爾：
滕王高閣臨江渚，佩玉鳴鸞罷歌舞。
畫棟朝飛南浦雲，珠帘暮卷西山雨。
閑雲潭影日悠悠，物換星移幾度秋。
閣中帝子今何在？檻外長江空自流。
時維九月，序屬三秋。潦水盡而寒潭清，煙光凝而暮山紫。儼驂騑於上路，訪風景於崇阿。臨帝子之長洲，得仙人之舊館。層台聳翠，上出重霄；飛閣流丹，下臨無地。鶴汀鳧渚，窮島嶼之縈回；桂殿蘭宮，列岡巒之體勢。
披繡闥，俯雕甍，山原曠其盈視，川澤盱其駭矚。閭閻扑地，鐘鳴鼎食之家；舸艦迷津，青雀黃龍之軸。虹銷雨霽，彩徹區明。落霞與孤鶩齊飛，秋水共長天一色。漁舟唱晚，響窮彭蠡之濱；雁陣驚寒，聲斷衡陽之浦。
遙襟俯暢，逸興遄飛。爽籟發而清風生，纖歌凝而白雲遏。睢園綠竹，氣凌彭澤之樽；鄴水朱華，光照臨川之筆。四美具，二難並。窮睇眄於中天，極娛游於暇日。天高地迥，覺宇宙之無窮；興盡悲來，識盈虛之有數。望長安於日下，指吳會於雲間。地勢極而南溟深，天柱高而北辰遠。關山難越，誰悲失路之人？萍水相逢，盡是他鄉之客。懷帝閽而不見，奉宣室以何年？
嗟乎！時運不濟，命運多舛。馮唐 易老，李廣難封。屈賈誼於長沙，非無聖主；竄梁鴻於海曲，豈乏明時。所賴君子安貧，達人知命。老當益壯，寧移白首之心？窮且益堅，不墜青雲之志。酌貪泉而覺爽，處涸轍以猶歡。北海雖賒，扶搖可接；東隅已逝，桑榆非晚。孟嘗高潔，空懷報國之心；阮藉猖狂，豈效窮途之哭！
勃三尺微命，一介書生。無路請纓，等終軍之弱冠；有懷投筆，慕宗愨之長風。舍簪笏於百齡，奉晨昏於萬裡。非謝家之寶樹，接孟氏之芳鄰。他日趨庭，叨陪鯉對；今晨捧袂，喜托龍門。楊意不逢，撫凌雲而自惜；鐘期既遇，奏流水以何慚？
鳴呼！勝地不常，盛筵難再。蘭亭已矣，梓澤丘墟。臨別贈言，幸承恩於偉餞；登高作賦，是所望於群公。敢竭鄙誠，恭疏短引。一言均賦，四韻俱成。請洒潘江，各傾陸海雲爾：
滕王高閣臨江渚，佩玉鳴鸞罷歌舞。
畫棟朝飛南浦雲，珠帘暮卷西山雨。
閑雲潭影日悠悠，物換星移幾度秋。
閣中帝子今何在？檻外長江空自流。
留侯論 - 蘇軾
古之所謂豪傑之士者，必有過人之節。人情有所不能忍者，匹夫見辱，拔劍而起，挺身而鬥，此不足為勇也。天下有大勇者，卒然臨之而不驚，無故加之而不怒。此其所挾持者甚大，而其志甚遠也。
夫子房受書於圯上之老人也，其事甚怪；然亦安知其非秦之世，有隱君子者出而試之。觀其所以微見其意者，皆聖賢相與警戒之義；而世不察，以為鬼物，亦已過矣。且其意不在書。
當韓之亡，秦之方盛也，以刀鋸鼎鑊待天下之士。其平居無罪夷滅者，不可勝數。雖有賁、育，無所復施。夫持法太急者，其鋒不可犯，而其末可乘。子房不忍忿忿之心，以匹夫之力而逞於一擊之間；當此之時，子房之不死者，其間不能容發，蓋亦已危矣。千金之子，不死於盜賊，何者？其身之可愛，而盜賊之不足以死也。子房以蓋世之材，不為伊尹、太公之謀，而特出於荊軻、聶政之計，以僥幸於不死，此圯上老人之所為深惜者也。是故倨傲鮮腆而深折之。彼其能有所忍也，然后可以就大事，故曰：「孺子可教也。」
楚庄王伐鄭，鄭伯肉袒牽羊以逆；庄王曰：「其君能下人，必能信用其民矣。」遂舍之。句踐之困於會稽，而歸臣妾於吳者，三年而不倦。且夫有報人之志，而不能下人者，是匹夫之剛也。夫老人者，以為子房才有余，而憂其度量之不足，故深折其少年剛銳之氣，使之忍小忿而就大謀。何則？非有生平之素，卒然相遇於草野之間，而命以仆妾之役，油然而不怪者，此固秦皇之所不能驚，而項籍之所不能怒也。
觀夫高祖之所以勝，而項籍之所以敗者，在能忍與不能忍之間而已矣。項籍唯不能忍，是以百戰百勝而輕用其鋒；高祖忍之，養其全鋒而待其弊，此子房教之也。當淮陰破齊而欲自王，高祖發怒，見於詞色。由此觀之，猶有剛強不忍之氣，非子房其誰全之？ 太史公疑子房以為魁梧奇偉，而其狀貌乃如婦人女子，不稱其志氣。嗚呼！此其所以為子房歟！
夫子房受書於圯上之老人也，其事甚怪；然亦安知其非秦之世，有隱君子者出而試之。觀其所以微見其意者，皆聖賢相與警戒之義；而世不察，以為鬼物，亦已過矣。且其意不在書。
當韓之亡，秦之方盛也，以刀鋸鼎鑊待天下之士。其平居無罪夷滅者，不可勝數。雖有賁、育，無所復施。夫持法太急者，其鋒不可犯，而其末可乘。子房不忍忿忿之心，以匹夫之力而逞於一擊之間；當此之時，子房之不死者，其間不能容發，蓋亦已危矣。千金之子，不死於盜賊，何者？其身之可愛，而盜賊之不足以死也。子房以蓋世之材，不為伊尹、太公之謀，而特出於荊軻、聶政之計，以僥幸於不死，此圯上老人之所為深惜者也。是故倨傲鮮腆而深折之。彼其能有所忍也，然后可以就大事，故曰：「孺子可教也。」
楚庄王伐鄭，鄭伯肉袒牽羊以逆；庄王曰：「其君能下人，必能信用其民矣。」遂舍之。句踐之困於會稽，而歸臣妾於吳者，三年而不倦。且夫有報人之志，而不能下人者，是匹夫之剛也。夫老人者，以為子房才有余，而憂其度量之不足，故深折其少年剛銳之氣，使之忍小忿而就大謀。何則？非有生平之素，卒然相遇於草野之間，而命以仆妾之役，油然而不怪者，此固秦皇之所不能驚，而項籍之所不能怒也。
觀夫高祖之所以勝，而項籍之所以敗者，在能忍與不能忍之間而已矣。項籍唯不能忍，是以百戰百勝而輕用其鋒；高祖忍之，養其全鋒而待其弊，此子房教之也。當淮陰破齊而欲自王，高祖發怒，見於詞色。由此觀之，猶有剛強不忍之氣，非子房其誰全之？ 太史公疑子房以為魁梧奇偉，而其狀貌乃如婦人女子，不稱其志氣。嗚呼！此其所以為子房歟！
Scripts - good night, and good luck (part 2)
11. Edward R. Murrows television program on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy was an exciting and provocative examination of the man and his methods. It was crusading journalism of high responsibility and courage. For TV so often plagued by timidity and hesitation the program was a milestone that reflected enlightened citizenship. The program was no less an indictment of those who wish the problems posed by the Senator's tactics and theatrics would just go away and leave them alone.
12. We can't say we were surprised at Murrows "Hate McCarthy" telecast last evening, when his explosively one-sided propaganda edited with deviously clever selectivity from McCarthy's march against Communism, was finished last evening by equally Machiavellian coincidence the following telecast featured Murrow's PM protege, Hollenbeck. In an obviously gloating mood, Hollenbeck hoped viewers had witnessed his patron's triumph from and for the Left. The CBS has been in a lengthy "clean house of Lefties" mood. The worst offenders on lesser levels have been quietly pushed out of the company. Don Hollenbeck, a graduate of the demised pinko publication PM attacked conservative papers with sly and slanted propaganda. He then proceeded through an equally tilted review of the day's events with McCarthy dominating his words, actions, attitudes.
13. It is not sworn testimony it's convicting people by rumor and hearsay and innuendo. You will notice that neither Senator McClellan or Senator Symington nor this reporter know or claim that Mrs. Moss was or is a Communist. They simply claimed that she had the right to meet her accusers face to face. One month ago tonight we presented a report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy. We labeled it as controversial. Most of that report consistedof words and pictures of the Senator. At that time, we said "If the Senator believes we have done violence to his words or pictures if he desires to speak, to answer himself an opportunity would be afforded him on this program." The Senator sought the opportunity after weeks because he was very busy and wished adequate time to prepare his reply. We agreed. We placed no restrictions on the manner of the presentation of his reply and we suggested that we would not take time to comment on this particular program. Here now is Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, junior Senator from Wisconsin.
14. Good evening. Mr. Edward R. Murrow, Educational Director of the CBS devoted his program to an attack on the work of the US Senate Investigating Committee and on me personally as its Chairman. Now, over the past years, he has made repeated attacks upon me and those fighting Communists. Of course, neither Joe McCarthy nor Edward R. Murrow is of any great importance as individuals. We are only important in our relation to the great struggle to preserve our American liberties. Now ordinarily, I would not take time out from the important work at hand to answer Murrow. However, in this case I feel justified in doing so because Murrow is the symbol the leader and the cleverest of the jackal pack which is always found at the throat of anyone who dares to expose individual Communists and traitors. And I am compelled by the fact to say to you that Mr. Edward R. Murrow as far back as years ago was engaged in propaganda for Communist causes. For example, the Institute of International Education of which he was the Acting Director was chosen to act as a representative by a Soviet agency to do a job which would normally be done by the Russian secret police. Mr. Murrow, by his own admission, was a member of the IWW that's the Industrial Workers of the World a terrorist organization cited as subversive by an Attorney General of the United States. Mr. Murrow said on this program and I quote "The actions of the junior Senator from Wisconsin have given considerable comfort to the enemy." That is the language of our statute of treason, rather strong language. If I am giving comfort to our enemies, I ought not to be in the Senate. If, on the other hand, Mr. Murrow is giving comfort to our enemies he ought not to be brought into the homes of millions of Americans by the CBS. And I want to assure you that I will not be deterred by the attacks of the Murrows, the Lattimores, the Fosters, the Daily Worker or the Communist Party itself.And I make no claim to leadership. Incomplete humility I do ask you and every American who loves this country to join with me.
15. Last week, Senator McCarthy appeared on this program to correct any errors he might have thought we made in our report of March. Since he made no reference to any statements of fact that we made we must conclude that he found no errors of fact. He proved again that anyone who exposes him anyone who doesn't share his disregard for decency and human dignity and the rights guaranteed by the Constitution must be either a Communistor a fellow traveler. I fully expected this treatment. The Senator added this reporter's name to a long list of individuals and institutions he has accused of serving the Communist cause. His proposition is very simple: anyone who criticizes or opposes Senator McCarthy's methods must be a Communist. And if that be true, there are an awful lot of Communists in the USA. For the record, let's consider briefly some of the Senator's charges. He claimed, but offered no proof that I had been a member of the Industrial Workers of the World. That is false. I was never a member of the IWW, never applied for membership. The Senator charged that Professor Harold Laski a British scholar and politician, dedicated a book to me. That's true. He is dead. He was a socialist, I am not. He was a civilized individual who did not insist upon agreement with his political principles as a pre-condition for conversation or friendship. I do not agreewith his political ideas. I ask, as he makes clear in the introduction dedicated the book to me, not because of political agreement but because he held my wartime broadcast from London in high regard. And the dedication so reads. I believed years ago and I believe today that mature Americans can engage in conversation and controversy the clash of ideas, with Communists anywhere in the world without becoming contaminated or converted. I believe that our faith, our conviction our determination are stronger than theirs and that we can successfully compete, not only in the area of bombs but in the area of ideas. I have worked with CBSfor more than years. The company has subscribed fully to my integrity and responsibility as a broadcaster and as a loyal American. I require no lectures from the junior Senator from Wisconsin as to the dangers or terrors of Communism. Having searched my conscience and my files I cannot contend that I have always been right or wise but I have attempted to pursuethe truth with diligence and to report it even though, as in this case, I had been warned in advance that I would be subjected to the attentions of Senator McCarthy. We shall hope to deal with matters of more vital interest next week. Good night, and good luck.
16. In the last analysis, the Senator was perched on the television high dive and all prepared to make a resounding splash. He jumped beautifully, but he neglected to check first where he was going to land. It must have been a shock to discover that Mr. Murrow had drained the water out of the pool.
17. One of the best programs I ever heard was called "CBS Views The Press". A great many people liked it, some didn't but no one ever called it anything but honest. It was the work of an honest reporter. Don Hollenbeck.
18. We are proud because from the beginning of this nation man can walk upright. No matter who he is or who she is. He can walk upright and meet his friend or his enemy. And he does not fear that because that enemy may be in a position of great power that he can be suddenly thrown in jail to rot there without charges and with no recourse to justice. We have the Habeas Corpus Act and we respect it. I began by saying that our history will be what we make it. If we go on as we are then history will take its revenge, and retribution will not limp in catching up with us. Just once in a while, let us exalt the importance of ideas and information. Let us dream to the extent of saying that on a given Sunday night the time normally occupied by Ed Sullivan is given over to a clinical survey on the state of American education. And a week or two later, the time normally used by Steve Allen is devoted to a thorough-going study of American policy in the Middle East. Would the corporate image of their respective sponsors be damaged? Would the shareholders rise up in their wrath and complain? Would anything happen other than a few million people would have received a little illumination on subjects that may well determine the future of this country and therefore the future of the corporations? To those who say, "People wouldn't look, they wouldn't be interested they're too complacent, indifferent and insulated". I can only reply: There is, in one reporter's opinion considerable evidence against that contention. But even if they are right, what have they got to lose? Because if they are right and this instrument is good for nothing but to entertain, amuse and insulate then the tube is flickering now and we will soon see that the whole struggle is lost. This instrument can teach. It can illuminate and it can even inspire. But it can do so only to the extent that humans are determined to use it towards those ends. Otherwise, it is merely wires and lights in a box.
12. We can't say we were surprised at Murrows "Hate McCarthy" telecast last evening, when his explosively one-sided propaganda edited with deviously clever selectivity from McCarthy's march against Communism, was finished last evening by equally Machiavellian coincidence the following telecast featured Murrow's PM protege, Hollenbeck. In an obviously gloating mood, Hollenbeck hoped viewers had witnessed his patron's triumph from and for the Left. The CBS has been in a lengthy "clean house of Lefties" mood. The worst offenders on lesser levels have been quietly pushed out of the company. Don Hollenbeck, a graduate of the demised pinko publication PM attacked conservative papers with sly and slanted propaganda. He then proceeded through an equally tilted review of the day's events with McCarthy dominating his words, actions, attitudes.
13. It is not sworn testimony it's convicting people by rumor and hearsay and innuendo. You will notice that neither Senator McClellan or Senator Symington nor this reporter know or claim that Mrs. Moss was or is a Communist. They simply claimed that she had the right to meet her accusers face to face. One month ago tonight we presented a report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy. We labeled it as controversial. Most of that report consistedof words and pictures of the Senator. At that time, we said "If the Senator believes we have done violence to his words or pictures if he desires to speak, to answer himself an opportunity would be afforded him on this program." The Senator sought the opportunity after weeks because he was very busy and wished adequate time to prepare his reply. We agreed. We placed no restrictions on the manner of the presentation of his reply and we suggested that we would not take time to comment on this particular program. Here now is Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, junior Senator from Wisconsin.
14. Good evening. Mr. Edward R. Murrow, Educational Director of the CBS devoted his program to an attack on the work of the US Senate Investigating Committee and on me personally as its Chairman. Now, over the past years, he has made repeated attacks upon me and those fighting Communists. Of course, neither Joe McCarthy nor Edward R. Murrow is of any great importance as individuals. We are only important in our relation to the great struggle to preserve our American liberties. Now ordinarily, I would not take time out from the important work at hand to answer Murrow. However, in this case I feel justified in doing so because Murrow is the symbol the leader and the cleverest of the jackal pack which is always found at the throat of anyone who dares to expose individual Communists and traitors. And I am compelled by the fact to say to you that Mr. Edward R. Murrow as far back as years ago was engaged in propaganda for Communist causes. For example, the Institute of International Education of which he was the Acting Director was chosen to act as a representative by a Soviet agency to do a job which would normally be done by the Russian secret police. Mr. Murrow, by his own admission, was a member of the IWW that's the Industrial Workers of the World a terrorist organization cited as subversive by an Attorney General of the United States. Mr. Murrow said on this program and I quote "The actions of the junior Senator from Wisconsin have given considerable comfort to the enemy." That is the language of our statute of treason, rather strong language. If I am giving comfort to our enemies, I ought not to be in the Senate. If, on the other hand, Mr. Murrow is giving comfort to our enemies he ought not to be brought into the homes of millions of Americans by the CBS. And I want to assure you that I will not be deterred by the attacks of the Murrows, the Lattimores, the Fosters, the Daily Worker or the Communist Party itself.And I make no claim to leadership. Incomplete humility I do ask you and every American who loves this country to join with me.
15. Last week, Senator McCarthy appeared on this program to correct any errors he might have thought we made in our report of March. Since he made no reference to any statements of fact that we made we must conclude that he found no errors of fact. He proved again that anyone who exposes him anyone who doesn't share his disregard for decency and human dignity and the rights guaranteed by the Constitution must be either a Communistor a fellow traveler. I fully expected this treatment. The Senator added this reporter's name to a long list of individuals and institutions he has accused of serving the Communist cause. His proposition is very simple: anyone who criticizes or opposes Senator McCarthy's methods must be a Communist. And if that be true, there are an awful lot of Communists in the USA. For the record, let's consider briefly some of the Senator's charges. He claimed, but offered no proof that I had been a member of the Industrial Workers of the World. That is false. I was never a member of the IWW, never applied for membership. The Senator charged that Professor Harold Laski a British scholar and politician, dedicated a book to me. That's true. He is dead. He was a socialist, I am not. He was a civilized individual who did not insist upon agreement with his political principles as a pre-condition for conversation or friendship. I do not agreewith his political ideas. I ask, as he makes clear in the introduction dedicated the book to me, not because of political agreement but because he held my wartime broadcast from London in high regard. And the dedication so reads. I believed years ago and I believe today that mature Americans can engage in conversation and controversy the clash of ideas, with Communists anywhere in the world without becoming contaminated or converted. I believe that our faith, our conviction our determination are stronger than theirs and that we can successfully compete, not only in the area of bombs but in the area of ideas. I have worked with CBSfor more than years. The company has subscribed fully to my integrity and responsibility as a broadcaster and as a loyal American. I require no lectures from the junior Senator from Wisconsin as to the dangers or terrors of Communism. Having searched my conscience and my files I cannot contend that I have always been right or wise but I have attempted to pursuethe truth with diligence and to report it even though, as in this case, I had been warned in advance that I would be subjected to the attentions of Senator McCarthy. We shall hope to deal with matters of more vital interest next week. Good night, and good luck.
16. In the last analysis, the Senator was perched on the television high dive and all prepared to make a resounding splash. He jumped beautifully, but he neglected to check first where he was going to land. It must have been a shock to discover that Mr. Murrow had drained the water out of the pool.
17. One of the best programs I ever heard was called "CBS Views The Press". A great many people liked it, some didn't but no one ever called it anything but honest. It was the work of an honest reporter. Don Hollenbeck.
18. We are proud because from the beginning of this nation man can walk upright. No matter who he is or who she is. He can walk upright and meet his friend or his enemy. And he does not fear that because that enemy may be in a position of great power that he can be suddenly thrown in jail to rot there without charges and with no recourse to justice. We have the Habeas Corpus Act and we respect it. I began by saying that our history will be what we make it. If we go on as we are then history will take its revenge, and retribution will not limp in catching up with us. Just once in a while, let us exalt the importance of ideas and information. Let us dream to the extent of saying that on a given Sunday night the time normally occupied by Ed Sullivan is given over to a clinical survey on the state of American education. And a week or two later, the time normally used by Steve Allen is devoted to a thorough-going study of American policy in the Middle East. Would the corporate image of their respective sponsors be damaged? Would the shareholders rise up in their wrath and complain? Would anything happen other than a few million people would have received a little illumination on subjects that may well determine the future of this country and therefore the future of the corporations? To those who say, "People wouldn't look, they wouldn't be interested they're too complacent, indifferent and insulated". I can only reply: There is, in one reporter's opinion considerable evidence against that contention. But even if they are right, what have they got to lose? Because if they are right and this instrument is good for nothing but to entertain, amuse and insulate then the tube is flickering now and we will soon see that the whole struggle is lost. This instrument can teach. It can illuminate and it can even inspire. But it can do so only to the extent that humans are determined to use it towards those ends. Otherwise, it is merely wires and lights in a box.
水調歌頭 - 蘇軾
丙辰中秋歡飲達旦、大醉、作此篇、兼懷子由
明月幾時有，把酒問青天。
不知天上宮闕，今夕是何年。
我欲乘風歸去，又恐瓊樓玉宇，高處不勝寒。
起舞弄清影，何似在人間。
轉朱閣，低綺戶，照無眠。
不應有恨，何事長向別時圓。
人有悲歡離合，月有陰晴圓缺，此事古難全。
但願人長久，千里共嬋娟。
明月幾時有，把酒問青天。
不知天上宮闕，今夕是何年。
我欲乘風歸去，又恐瓊樓玉宇，高處不勝寒。
起舞弄清影，何似在人間。
轉朱閣，低綺戶，照無眠。
不應有恨，何事長向別時圓。
人有悲歡離合，月有陰晴圓缺，此事古難全。
但願人長久，千里共嬋娟。
Monday, May 5, 2008
Scripts - good night, and good luck (part 1)
1. This might just do nobody any good. At the end of this discourse a few people may accuse this reporter of fouling his own comfortable nest and your organization may be accused of having given hospitality to heretical and even dangerous ideas.
2. It is my desire, if not my duty, to try to talk to you journeymen with some candor about what is happening to radio and television. And if what I say is responsible I alone am responsible for the saying of it. Our history will be what we make of it.
3. We are currently wealthy, fat, comfortable, and complacent. We have a built-in allergy to unpleasant or disturbing information. Our mass media reflect this. But unless we get up off our fat surpluses and recognize that television in the main is being used to distract, delude, amuse, and insulate us then television and those who finance it those who look at it and those who work at it may see a totally different picture too late.
4. We all editorialize. I'm just making sure we identify what We're giving them the information up front and we're asking them to comment on it.
5. I've searched my conscience. I can't for the life of me find any justification for this. I simply cannot accept that there are, on every story two equal and logical sides to an argument.
6. The story you are going to run tomorrow is without merit. So before you take any steps that cannot be undone I strongly urge you to reconsider your stand. These are very dangerous waters you are attempting to navigate.
7. If the Senator feels that we have done violence to his words or pictures and desires to answer himself an opportunity will be afforded him
on this program. Our working thesis tonight is this quotation: "If this fight against Communism has made a fight between America's two great political parties" "the American people know that one of these parties will be destroyed and the Republic cannot endure very long as a one-party system." We applaud that statement and we think Senator McCarthy ought to. He said it months ago in Milwaukee. The American people realize that this cannot be made a fight between America's two great political parties. If this fight against Communism is made a fight against America's two great political parties the American people know that one of those parties will be destroyed and the Republic can't endure very long as a one-party system. On one thing the Senator has been consistent. Often operating as a one-man committee, he has traveled far interviewed many, terrorized some accused civilian and military leaders of the past administration of a great conspiracy to turn over the country to Communism. As I read his statement, I thought of that quotation, "On what meat does this our Caesar feed?".
8. The sale of that book was so abysmally small it was so unsuccessful, that the question of its influence. You can go back to the publisher you'll see it was one of the most unsuccessful books he ever put out. He's still sorry about it, just as I am. Well, I think that's a compliment to American intelligence.
9. Earlier, the Senator asked, "Upon what meat does this our Caesar feed?". Had he looked three lines earlier in Shakespeare's "Caesar" he would have found this line, which is not altogether inappropriate. "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves."
10. We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in fear, one of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason if we dig deep in our history and doctrine and remember that we are not descended from fearful men not from men who feared to write, to associate, to speak and to defend the causes that were for the moment unpopular. This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy's methods to keep silent, or for those who approve. We can deny our heritage and our history but we cannot escape responsibility for the results. We proclaim ourselves, indeed as we are the defenders of freedom wherever it continues to exist in the world but we cannot defend freedom abroad by deserting it at home. The actions of the junior Senator from Wisconsin have caused alarm and dismay amongst our allies abroad and given considerable comfort to our enemies. And whose fault is that? Not really his. He didn't create this situation of fear he merely exploited it, and rather successfully. Cassius was right. "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves."
2. It is my desire, if not my duty, to try to talk to you journeymen with some candor about what is happening to radio and television. And if what I say is responsible I alone am responsible for the saying of it. Our history will be what we make of it.
3. We are currently wealthy, fat, comfortable, and complacent. We have a built-in allergy to unpleasant or disturbing information. Our mass media reflect this. But unless we get up off our fat surpluses and recognize that television in the main is being used to distract, delude, amuse, and insulate us then television and those who finance it those who look at it and those who work at it may see a totally different picture too late.
4. We all editorialize. I'm just making sure we identify what We're giving them the information up front and we're asking them to comment on it.
5. I've searched my conscience. I can't for the life of me find any justification for this. I simply cannot accept that there are, on every story two equal and logical sides to an argument.
6. The story you are going to run tomorrow is without merit. So before you take any steps that cannot be undone I strongly urge you to reconsider your stand. These are very dangerous waters you are attempting to navigate.
7. If the Senator feels that we have done violence to his words or pictures and desires to answer himself an opportunity will be afforded him
on this program. Our working thesis tonight is this quotation: "If this fight against Communism has made a fight between America's two great political parties" "the American people know that one of these parties will be destroyed and the Republic cannot endure very long as a one-party system." We applaud that statement and we think Senator McCarthy ought to. He said it months ago in Milwaukee. The American people realize that this cannot be made a fight between America's two great political parties. If this fight against Communism is made a fight against America's two great political parties the American people know that one of those parties will be destroyed and the Republic can't endure very long as a one-party system. On one thing the Senator has been consistent. Often operating as a one-man committee, he has traveled far interviewed many, terrorized some accused civilian and military leaders of the past administration of a great conspiracy to turn over the country to Communism. As I read his statement, I thought of that quotation, "On what meat does this our Caesar feed?".
8. The sale of that book was so abysmally small it was so unsuccessful, that the question of its influence. You can go back to the publisher you'll see it was one of the most unsuccessful books he ever put out. He's still sorry about it, just as I am. Well, I think that's a compliment to American intelligence.
9. Earlier, the Senator asked, "Upon what meat does this our Caesar feed?". Had he looked three lines earlier in Shakespeare's "Caesar" he would have found this line, which is not altogether inappropriate. "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves."
10. We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in fear, one of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason if we dig deep in our history and doctrine and remember that we are not descended from fearful men not from men who feared to write, to associate, to speak and to defend the causes that were for the moment unpopular. This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy's methods to keep silent, or for those who approve. We can deny our heritage and our history but we cannot escape responsibility for the results. We proclaim ourselves, indeed as we are the defenders of freedom wherever it continues to exist in the world but we cannot defend freedom abroad by deserting it at home. The actions of the junior Senator from Wisconsin have caused alarm and dismay amongst our allies abroad and given considerable comfort to our enemies. And whose fault is that? Not really his. He didn't create this situation of fear he merely exploited it, and rather successfully. Cassius was right. "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves."
Sunday, May 4, 2008
江城子 - 蘇軾
密州出獵
老夫聊發少年狂。左牽黃，右擎蒼。
錦帽貂裘，千騎卷平岡。
為報傾城隨太守，親射虎，看孫郎。
酒酣胸膽尚開張。 鬢微霜，又何妨。
持節雲中，何日遣馮唐。
會挽雕弓如滿月，西北望，射天狼。
乙卯正月二十日夜記夢
十年生死兩茫茫。不思量，自難忘。
千里孤墳，無處話淒涼。
縱使相逢應不識，塵滿面，鬢如霜。
夜來幽夢忽還鄉。小軒窗，正梳妝。
相顧無言，惟有淚千行。
料得年年斷腸處，明月夜，短松岡。
老夫聊發少年狂。左牽黃，右擎蒼。
錦帽貂裘，千騎卷平岡。
為報傾城隨太守，親射虎，看孫郎。
酒酣胸膽尚開張。 鬢微霜，又何妨。
持節雲中，何日遣馮唐。
會挽雕弓如滿月，西北望，射天狼。
乙卯正月二十日夜記夢
十年生死兩茫茫。不思量，自難忘。
千里孤墳，無處話淒涼。
縱使相逢應不識，塵滿面，鬢如霜。
夜來幽夢忽還鄉。小軒窗，正梳妝。
相顧無言，惟有淚千行。
料得年年斷腸處，明月夜，短松岡。
Oscar Wilde
I choose my friends for their good looks, my acquaintances for their good characters, and my enemies for their good intellects. A man cannot be too careful in the choice of his enemies.
-Oscar Wilde-
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